FREE YOUR MIND:
Reversing The Effects Of Prison Censorship

S. Muhammad Hyland
Foreword

It is comon knouledge that during chattel
slavery, enslaved Afrikans were forbidden to learn how
to read or write, because their slave-holders were
extrenely fearful-and rightfully so-that these skille
would facilitate rebellion, which would have disrupted
the continuous Flow of endless profits into their
coffers.

Yow, in contemporary times, on and within Afrikan neo-
plantations that are the biggest prison industrial
complex in the world-2.5 million-fear of rebellion
still exists for the same economic reasons. And in
Light of the fact that the above-method to repress and
ultinately thwart insurrections is no longer viable
since Afrikans have acquired the basic and fundamental
skills, such as reading and writing, and have achieved
the highest accolades that academia has to offer-the
neo-slave-holders had to replace this antiquated
method with a new system of censorship, in order to
control what kind of material that comes into prisons,
and thus, the minds of the captive populace.

Like their ancestors, the neo-slave-owners know all
too well that revolutionary knowledge/information in
the forn of idess, philosophies, perspectives,
ideologies, has the potential to have a transformative
offect upon the consciousness of their captives.
Therefore, to prevent these prisoners of war from
becoming motivated, inspired, and/or influenced to
confront the system which oppresses and exploits them
to the max, all said material is banned from
penetrating the walls and barbedwired fences of the
prisons, hile simultaneously letting in a sea of
irrelevant and mindless material. So as you can see,
the methods have changed, but the end-goal still
remains the same-preventing rebellion by controlling
the minds of the masses.
Within this essay, the brother will elaborate, and
give the reader(s) a clear and comprehensive
perspective into the inner-workings of the system of
censorship, and my hope is that many will began to
question the quality of information that they allow to
enter their minds, and for those who are bold end
truthful enough to conclude that their current
intellectual activity lacks substance, and will not
assist them in throwing Off the yoke of their
oporession, will begin to engage in conscious-
elevating ' revolutionary material-vhich if applied
correctly, will compel them to man the front line of
this protracted struggle to defeat this dehumanizing
and spirit-breaking, neo-plantation system: Amerika's
Prison Industrial Complex! 2

Kamau Meanza Asafo

Knouledge Is Powe

That short, but potent statement is often overused,
devaluing it's meaning. Terrorism isn't the oaly way
to.control an entire population. At one poiat in time,
it may have been needed, but, once firmly established,
the terrorists survive off of their reputation for
brutality. The repression and terrorism of Amerikan
fascisu has been successful up to this point. The
violent assault on our leadership has set us back
tremendously, leaving those of the next generation
confused as’ to what role-if any-they play in the
contenporary struggle. Unfortunately, many of those
who seek clarification, do so frou behind the walls of
Anerikan neo-plantations, after having also fallen
victim to the same goverrmental repression, terrorism,
and tricks.

Today is the dawning of a new day, and a new attitude
has bagan to envelope the imprisoned masses. A new
belief-same as the old belief-that the system must be
o less than uprooted and destroyed: revolution. If
not, we will be destroyed and consumed by capitalisa's
Don’stop quest for accumilation. But the First step
into revolutionary consciousness is to attack the
psychological complexes which have been keeping us
from revolution in the first place. In other words:
defeating our fears. When this stage is complete, we
can work on enhancing our political avareness, and
methods of revolution. y

Prison plantations are a superabundant source of
revolutionary potential. And with all that's taking
place across Amerika and around the world, prison
adninistrators-still living off of their violent
reputation-realize that political consciousness is
rising amongst the captive population, which is uhy
the administration is doing all it can to quell a
potential "avakening”. They know that this "avakening”
can and will, only lead to one thing: revolution.

In order to actualize the above, it is imperative for
the captive populace to stop engaging in meaningless
and irrelevant intellectual activities, and begin to
immerse themselves in material of substance, which if
applied correctly, has the capacity to transfom their
criminal mentality into a revolutionary mentality.

The phenomenon which is, for obvious reasons, being
down-played throughout the prison industrial complex
in Amerika, is censorship. The "top dawgs" have
decided to monitor all incoming publications, and
forbid all revolutionary material. Anything that
teaches discipline, unity, education, self-
determination, family, commmity, and 'yes, forced
physical liberation. Anything that teaches the methods
of resistance. We see it happening all across the
country. Everyday, another book is placed on the
fnstitution's restricted list.

Censorship is one of the first steps in attempting to
control our growth and potential. When the enemy
attempts to interdict the flow of revolutionary
material, they are really attempting to destroy any
revolutionary desire that may exist amongst the
oppressed.

Through tine, these restrictions create an educational
void. This void is filled through the prison library's
never-ending stock of useless information-the street
novels, car mags, get rich quick books, smut novels.
This ‘harmless”, * “non-threatenirg” . material is
steadily forced upon us, and is a direct path to
miseducation: an attack upon the foundation of any
potential revolution. Briefly, our oppressor/enemy has
tuo primary objectives: [

1) To quell any potential revolution by
eliminating revolutionary influences;

2) To “re-educate" (miseducate)-redirect
revolutionary potential

These objectives have many components. We'll focus on
those related to prison censorship. Analyzing lessons
from two of our most experienced and beloved comrades-
George Jackson, and Russell Maroon Shoats-we can
better understand our enemy-and ourselves-and plot a
course of action thusly. Let's take a look at George
Jackson's statement on the "prestige" of power:

"Prestige bars any serious attack on power. Do people
attack a thing they consider with awe? With a sense of
legitimacy?...le can stop the debate; prestige must be
destroyed. People must see 'venerable' institution
and the 'omnipotent' administration actually undec
physical attack..." (1)

It is my contention that we can apply this attack on
prestige, not just physically, but mentally, first and
forenost. To inderstand what I'm getting at, allow a
short analysis.

As a. consequence of our captivity, we have been
subjected to the indoctrination of certain

phies, created with the specific intent to make
us needy. Many of them have-their roots in.the Afrikan
slave trade. There is no question that ome Of the
methods used to keep Afrikan slaves obedient, was to
make “her/him fear the oppressor. These slaves
"Learned" how to fear the hand of: their “masters", as
they would fear ‘the hand of god (and there is no
dispute concerning religion's role our collective
passivity and’ fear of rebellion). As a result, an
inferiority complex developed among most slaves, and
was nurtured to maturity; the aim being to trick these
slaves into taking ‘on -the role’ as' "child", wnile
looking upon the -'master" as “parent". The 'psvcho-
social relationship between the "parent" and "child"
is, and has always been very clear. Therefore, those
tricked into taking on the role as 'child”, will

understandably regard the people s/he accepts, as a
Uparent", with nothing short of awe, fear...and
prestigel Just look at the way you regarded your
parents when you were young! 3

Since prisons are a form of social-control-akin to
slavery-it only makes sense for the administrators of
this inhumane system to implement psycho-social
programs similar to those which were so effective
under comparable psychological circumstances only a
few generations ago.

Keeping along those lines, many of us suffer greatly
£rom this complex throughout the prison system here in
Anerika. Our collective consciousness is like that of
a child when it comes to how we carry out our
relationship with our captors. Consequently, we view
our oporessors-the prison administration, officers,
etc.-as_parent. We have "learned” to be helpless,
needy. Through our complex, we associate this mental
and physical “prestige" with the oppressor. It is this
“prestige"-of the mental variety-that must be attacked
first, and exposed as what it truly is: vulnerable.

To do this, we must first awaken the oppressed masses
to the truth that our ememy is in no way superior to
us, physically or mentally-but mentally first. After
all, before you can do, you must first know. When ve
begin to challenge the "wisdom" of the oppressor's
decision-making with personally developed and refined
strategies. of our own, through challenging each
other's ideas, thoughts, and conclusions, and a
thorough analysis of similar historical events,, the
enemy's shield of “prestige’-previously considered
impenetrable-will be exposed as weak. We will then be
free to question the circunstances of our predicament,
and challenge the framework of our learned-complexes.
Since throughout this paper, we will be paying a lot
of attention to, and psychoanalyzing our own actions,
reactions, and ' complexes, which resulted from our
confinenent, and the administration's restrictions cn
revolutionary educational material, I think we should
first attempt to psychoanalyze some of the actions,
reactions, and complexes of the administration.

The two objectives mentioned earlier (others exist of
course, but we're speaking from a "boots on the
ground” perspective; the most basic element: dealing
directly with the daily operations on the inside) ace
executed in an attempt to maintain the securé and
orderly operation of the facility. 7

Now, naturally, human beings will have a problem with
being caged in like animals, and before you kaow it,
they will start to demand their freedom. After a
shile, they will attempt to use force. Adninistrators
realize this, hich is why there is such an emphasis
on security. After the segregation of natural leaders,
the administration's next step in controlling any
renaining revolutionary potential, is to eliminate any
residual revolutionary stimuli. Since that stimili is
wst likely in the form of literature, the
institutional restrictions are levied.

Nou let's take a look at the objectives mentioned
earlier:

1) To quell any potential revolutions by
‘eliminating revolutionary influences.

This objective has many components. We'll go over the
most important ones, so as not to become redundant.

A) The segregation of natural leaders:

"In order to produce marked changes of behavior amd/oc
attitude, it is necessary to weaken, undermine or
remove the supports to the old patterns of behavior
and the old attitudes. Because most of the supports
are face-to-face confirmation of present behavior and
attitudes, which are provided by those with whom close
emotional ties exist, it is often necessary to break
those emotional tiés. This can be done either by
removing them physically and preventing any
communication with those whom he cares about, or by
proving to him that those whom he respects’ aren't
wrthy of it and, indeed, should be actively
mistrusted."(2) .

The best, most capable influences are obviously those
with actual experience. Those who have actually put
the work in. Theses natural leaders have been locked
away in some of the most nefarious control-units, for
decades. Ve've all heard the saying, “out of sight,
out of mind", and with our leaders now out of sight,
we risk forgetting them, and what they've been
Eighting for all along-out of mind. And it's set up
like that with a specific intent to rinse our
mentalities of any revolutionary aspirations. The same
way that our enslaved ancestors were forced to
"forget” alnost everything of their true culture and
identity. g

3) To place restrictions on revolutionary publications;

This is the heart of our issue. No court has ever
ruled that the writings of George Jackson, che
Guevara, Mao Zedong, etc., promotes insurrection, or
presents a threat to Tational security. Hovever,
‘prison review committees” consistently "find"
“threatening" passages in the writings of these-and
other-political revolutionaries. These writings are
instantly placed on the institution's restricted list.

But if the institution is really "omipotent”, why
fosl the need to restrict revolutionary political
material in the First place? Why not restrict veisc
roons, and punching bags-after all, they seem more of
a threat than a book? Here's why: because the mind is
the most potent weapon in existence. The politicized
mind is the most dangerous weapon in existence!

It's just like a game of chess. Every action has a
reaction, and every move is made for a specific
reason. When we examine the measures put in place by
the adninistration, we realize that their actions are
simply reactions to the reservoir of revolutionary
potential inside of their prisons. Still, due to the
censorship of revolutionary political literature, ve
can-rightfully-assune that this kind of literature-in
capable hands-poses a veritable threat to the
establishnent's interests.

If in fact these "capable hands" didn't exist on the
inside, the so-called "threat" would be sterile, and
there would be no need to place the restrictions in
qQuestion. The fact that these restrictions are
inposed, is proof that the enemy acknowledges the fact
that leaders exist who can properly chamnel this
energy into a formidable revolutionary threat. and
it's also proof that the administration acknowledges
the fact that the imprisoned masses possess this
revolutionary potential. Consequently, it is in the
institution's best interest to stop this threat from
ever materializing. Hence, the next stage in the
assault on our growth:

2) To reeducate-redirect revolutionary potential;

With the restrictions on revolutionary political
material fimly in place, over time, an educatioual
void is left in it's wake. It is now up to the eneay
to provide a replacement curriculum in order to fill
that new void. From this point on, every piece of
information distributed to the captive population, by
the 'venerable institution”, will be delilerately

‘narless" and miseducational.

Prison libraries are filled with such material. You
can find a book on alrost any. topic,.as long as it has
nothing to do with the kird of education that,will set
our minds free. There's an abundance of novels, filled
with violence, smut, racist content, and many ,other
forns of non-sense. These items aren't restricted.
However, revolutinary material-which doesn't contain
any of these criminal behaviors-is. What's the
difference batween the two? Of course, one group is
fiction, and the other isn't, but it's not . that
simple. Fictioh is for entertatment. Ve learn to lean
on them; ' daily engaginig in this false reality, to the
polnt vhere it becomes addictive. How many of Us can't
wait to get back to our cells so ve can "finish our
book"? Our own little private escapist sanctuary. Our
coping mechanisn. The effects are more profound in the
hole”, vhere we have all day,to "keep our minds off
of thifigs”, due to_ the stressful enviroment. There we
spend the majority of our time indoctrinating
ourselves! ‘When the book is Finished, you're right
bock where you started. You've gained nothing, and
vasted a bunch of time in the process.

On the other hand, the administration has gained. The
more we vaste time engaging, in fiction, the more the
institution éan remain secure in the fact that we pose
no serious threat to the system.

%o, back to "prestige. Earlier, we identified the
sault on our intellect. We aduit that this
“prestige'" is what's been holding us back. But when we
delve into the reasoning behind the institutional
cestrictions of revolutionary political material, the
systen's vulnerability is exposed.

If this “'venerable" institution is really
“oripotent™, nothing of any magnitude could/should
rosz a serious threat to it's existence. So, the
obvious conclusion is that if an actual, serious
threat is produced-and proven to be just that-the
captive population will have no choice but to lover

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their regard for it, and from this point forward, view
it-and any of it's past "accomplishnents'-as
fraudulent. By placing these restrictions, the
dnstitution is admitting their fear Of ~ these
consequences. And the ‘“omnipotent” should have o
reason to fear mere mortals!

This should open all of our eyes to the degree of
revolutionary ~potential on neo-plantations - across

praession

ols of

tion

Averika. And by restricting this material, the
adninistration has indirectly acknowledged that there

are those capable of teaching and learning within
these walls.

Putting all of this together, we ses that
revolutionary political educational material, along
with those who are willing to teach-and learn-it, and
lead by it's example, is the recipe for the
revolutionary struggle within these prison walls, that
will help to accomplish two things: our unconditional
liberation-both physically and mentally; and the

complete and total destruction of the nco-
plantation/concentration camp experiment in Amerika.

Houever, before we get too high off of our idealisn,
the question arises: even if we do have these
teachers, learners, and leaders, how can we take
advantage of this revolutionary material, uhen the
aduinistration has barred any and all of it from
entering the prisons? I will attempt to amswer tnat
question in the following paragraphs.
PART 2 1z

"...If toe threat to power is truly revolutionary, and
the first step into revolutionary consciousness taken
with a forceful attack upon prestige, we mist
anticipate reaction, accept repression's terror, and
meet it with a counter-terror of our own. The
gravedigser needs a bodyguard to protect him at his
work, else the the grave may be his own."(3)

In the First part of this discussion, it was made
clear that the 'venerable" institution and
"omipotent' adninistration is vulnerable, and can no
longer be associated with any level of fear or
prestige. With this fear in decline, we are now in a
better position to combat our psychological
inferiority complex. It is now incumbent upon teachers
and leaders to seize this opportunity and work to
reverse those complexes amongst the people, while at
the same time working to fill the new void that will
have been created due to the collapse of our previous
corrupted mentality.

Experts on revolutionary struggle exist on every neo-
olantation in Amerika. In almost every circumstance,
these leaders are locked away in control-units,
separated from the general population for the sole
purpose of containing their influence. However their
example can be followed through their writings and
through those who have first-hand experience of being
around them. Armed with this knowledge, we can work to
develop our revolutionary conscious.

Those of you who are, or have been around our fallen
leaders, you have an obligation to teach those who
show a villingness to learn. You too can write papers,
talk in the yards, gyns, and on the blocks. With the
restrictions on revolutionary material in place, you

are the gateway to this type of education for
countless individuals.

For those of you who are in possession of
revolutionary material that is on the restricted list,
measures must be put in place to protect and preserve
it. This material should be put to memory as soon as
possible. Comrades who are more advanced in their
political and revolutiovary thinking should come
" togetheri to compare thoughts and strategies. We all
have to stay in constant motion. We all must do all in
our power to teach and empower those who share our
common goal. If you are in possession of books on the
restricted list, make coples of those books. If you
have copies, make more. But just like any other secret
on the plantation, the informants will working double-
time to expose what you're doing. This is why it is so
important to put this knowledge to memory-like those
hundreds of rap lyrics we've learned to memorize over
the years. These principles will serve as our
foundation, and ve can begin to create our own methods
of struggle. 13

While the original vanguard elements are likely
trapped inside of control-units, we must continue to
use then as our example and motivation. However, a
carbon-copy Of their agenda would be counter-
productive, as comrade George explains: "There can be
nothing dogmatic about revolutionary theory. It is to
be born out of each popular struggle. Each popular
struggle must be analyzed historically to discover aew
ideas."(4)

This doesn't mean that the methods of the previous
vanguard are to be discarded. It's exactly the
opposite. We must analyze those methods, and also the
establishnent's reaction to them; adopt what can still
be effectively applied, while at the same time
integrating new ideas and methods. Lenin reinfor:es
this concept :

“New forms of struggle, unknown to the participants of
the given period, inevitably arise as the given social
situation changes; the coming crisis will introduce
new forms of struggle that we are now unable to
foresee."(5)

So as the given social situation changes, so too do
the circunstances, and 50 too must the methods of the
people. As we analyze the methods of the previous
generation, we are actually building off of their
Foundation and continuing their legacy-while at the
same time putting our mark on history for future
genecations to analyze. But as conrade George teaches:
Tn order to develop revolutionary consciousness, we
must learn how revolutionary consciousness can be
raised to the highest point by stimli from the
vanguard elements.”(6) Therefore, our new vanguard-
directly influenced and educated by the previous
vanguard-mist now make the efforts to use their
stimuli to it's highest potential. Those who refuse to
do so, are cancers, and should be dealt with
accordingly. M

Methods OF Organization

Ve can agree that the ultimate objective is the same
to us all: unconditional liberation-vhich can only
come through the destruction of the neo-plantation
systan, not only in Amerika, but around the world.
After that, differences of opinion, ideas, theories,
and methods of leadership, should not only be
welconad, but also encouraged. In our attempt to make
the revolutionary threat truly effective, we can't
allou the administration to be in a position to take
out our leadership, due it being centralized. That, in
effect, would kill the movement.

In Russell Maron Shoats' excellent thesis, “The
Dragon And The Hydr A Historical Study Of
Organizational Methods”, he used, as an example to
support a decentralized movement, the continuus
resistance of Afrikan and Amerindian peoples in
Sucinave. He breaks down how, even though these
enslaved Afrikans had come from many different
backgrounds-a_tactic commonly used by slave owners to
promote disunity-and had many differences otherwise,
they still shared a comon goal: freedom from
enslavement. Historically, these Afrikans and
Amerindians-who would later go on to become known as
Maroons-practiced decentralized methods of resistancs,
but vere united-centralized~through their comon goal.

" It must be recalled that the Suriname Afrikans were
from many different backgrounds, so when they would
come together as Maroons, that would have to be
factored in. They had to organize using democratic
methods, and the glue that held them together was
their collective focus on defeating their enslavers'
attempts to control them. THAT centralized theic
efforts..."(7) s

Not all the slaves were on board with this, "but as a
general rule, individuals and small groups of slaves
would flee the plantations to join the Maroons, and on
occasions, large conspiracies were organized that sav
the enslaved vorkers preparing the groundwork for
Maroon guerillas to raid plantations and liberate
scores at a time."(8)

Of course we aren't on this level yet, but this
exanple is proof that differences among the leadership
is not necessarily a bad thing. As Maroon cxplains:
"This example exhibits decisions arrived at by truly
democratic means, and then carried out in a
centralized manner, all by otherwise tralized
groups."(9)

Folloviny a revolutionary principle-historical
analysis-taroon compared the methods of &
decentralized movement in Suriname-almost Four hundred
years ago-to what the Bolsheviks attempted under Lenin
during the Russian revolution of 1917. This is a
perfect example of analyzing a popular struggle
historically to discover new ideas. From the inside of
one of Amerika's worst control-units, Maroon is
leading by example, and giving us the tools needed to
progress in our revalutionary efforts.

Though the Bolsheviks succeeded in destroying the
systen, their newly-installed goverment soon turned a
brutal dictatorship under Stalin. Without getting
ahead of ourselves, these are still tragic mistakes
that must be discussed and analyzed in order to avoid
following the same path.

The last argument in Maroon's thesis, favoring
decentralized leadership, 1is maybe the most
conpelling:

"It's clear that today's center of gravity, the
aspacts. on which all else is dependent and rests, is
the shared (global) consciousness of the multitudes of
the earth's workers and oppressed people, that their
lives are daily becoming more and more intolerable,
hence, solidifying them ideologically around the
necessity for revolutionary change (like our earlier
Maroons were solidified around the need to escape),
and the ability of these multitudes to comunicate
with each other and share ideas and methods about the
best ways to proceed towards that goal."(10) Ji

of. Tnough the examples above are all in relation to
the physical aspects of revolution, they can also be
applied to the pre-textual aspects of physical
revolution-educating the populace, and building a

collective revolutionary conscious through beating the
Seestricted list", and raising revolutionary stimii

to it's highest potential.

In essence, leadership can take on all sorts of styles
and methods. As long as the common goal is the same-
revolutionary change. But at the same time, under
certain circunstances, democratic decision-making can
take place. And those decisions should be carried out
in a centralized mammer. ALl by otherwise
decentralized groups. History has proven time and
again that this method is the most effective.

If those truly dedicated to revolutionary change
accept their role as the new vanguard of the movement,
the results will be obvious. While not everybody will
follow suit-some may have to be forced-the collective
attitude of the masses will have begun to show a
profound change in thinking and approach. Every step
we take from this point should be taken with the
understanding that the system is powerless against us
if we stand united in our goal of destroying it
through revolution. The 'prestige" of power-of the
“omnipotent' administration-has already been destroyed
by this point. The psychological pressures of the
oppressor no longer holds us in ave of it's pover.
This mental grip will have been broken with the
destruction of "prestige.

Although we have-by this point-circumwented the
institutional restrictions on revolutionary political
material, we still must take advantage Of the
institutional grievance system, and the-outside-legal
systen, in order to challenge these restrictions. But
not in an attempt to transfer our fight to the court
room. This would render our previous gains moot.
Civil-rights advocates of past generations did this,
and now admit that this can be blamed for their lack
Of success during that period. Pspecially when it
involved issues that affected those inside of

Aperika's gulags. 17

Taking our fight totally to the courts would change

the entire nature of our struggle, and Limit our

inzes of success. We can't l%zg to flfihl our

ies on thelr terms, instead of our own. "Instead

Of a moral crusade”, as Michelle Alexander

in the risk of turning the movement into
pirely legal crusade.(11)

of the elements of previous revolutionary
venents also fell into this and other traps set by
eneny, allowing themselves to be tricked by what
on refers to as “the separation from the most
vanced _elements; indoctrination in reliance on
ssive approaches; co-option;and raw fear."(12)

QF all these tricks, prison adninistrators-likely
xpects in psychology-have found the most success in
ing "raw fear” to dominate the consciousness of
gtheruise rebellious captives-threats, beatings, cell
extractions, pepper spray, the 'hole”, and even
ler-therefore controlling the actions of these
ebellious captives as well. ALl of these activities
re taking place on the neo-plantations for a specific
rpose; to create an imaginacy thing; a psychological
ng: "PRESTIGE" of pover. o8

Right back to where we started!!!

ve've learned from comrade George that, like anything
else, "power" has a growth process.(13) It starts at
infancy, goes through maturity, and finally meets
decline. The tactics mentioned above, are “power” in
it's mature stage of life: brute force. They are
applied to instill the raw fear that Mairoon is
speaking of. And it's result is 'prestige’-which is
actually “pover” living off of it's laurels. Or more
to the point, “power’ in decline!

When this “prestige” is attacked, "poer' reverts back
to it's mature stage-all out violence. This is what
we've been preparing for the whole time that power’
has been drifting. A battle against a force-physical
or mental. A battle of attrition. If “power" is
successful, “prestige” will be restored, and so too
will our previously defeated psychological complexes
that prevented us from challenging them in the first

place. 124

Supposing that our threat to "power" is truly
revolutionary, and that our revolutionary
consciousness wages a forceful attack on “prestige”,
and we anticipate reaction, and accept terror's
repression. Are we prepared to meet it with a counter-
terror of our own?

So far, our accomplishments have-up until this point-
been revolutionary, but they have only been so on a
psychological level, and are only the precursor to
what we've been preparing for-physical revolution.
After all, only physical actions can bring about a
physical destruction to a physically destructive
institution that is physically-and mentally-
destroying us!

Concluston

The bottam line is simple. The institutional
restrictions on revolutionary political material are
in place for a reason: to keep us from Learning how to
g0 about securing our freedom, and destroying the
systen responsible for our lack of success in Amerika.
Vhat Maroon pointed out is very true. The glue that
Will hold us together is 1in our belief that
revolutionary change is necessary in order to survive,
and that because the multitudes of oppressed people
cross color boundaries, those seeking revolution must
cely o0 tne unity of all oppressed people-regardless
S rutar il of Sl REEr S peole-

‘he institutional restrictions should give us an
inccative to communjcate, and-share ideas, methods,
and strategies. But before we can do any of that. we
have to force ourselves free of the mental restraints.
And we can only do this by attacking those restraints
with comion sense, because the same format we applied
in destroying psychological “prestige”, can be applied
in destroying physical “prestige"-since they are truly
one and the same. | i

Vnat's the point in being a politically conscious
prisoner, if you refuse your obligatioh to teach
and/or lead, alloving the legacy of those who came
before us to die?! " :

anerika is approaching it's limits-economically,
politically, and militarily. Attention must be brought
to this system of social congrol, known as the Prison
Industrial Complex. -Political prisoners have to . be
fread so they can take their rightful places in our
comunities. - R

4s for us..ue are the new vanguard. The
responsibility is on us to push this thing through.
Those who came before us have' sacrificed their freedom
and their Llives. Don't call yourself a revolutio

if you aren't ready and willing:to do-the same. - '
This issue-prison censorship-isn't exclusive - to any
particular county pr “state.i With - the ! repressive
tactics of D.0.C.S across the.nation being elevated to
unpracedented - levels, -and’conditions: on the . insids
becoming more unbeagable, - the *collective temperature
Of the captive populace is steadily rising to;a quiet
boil, and political consclousness - is - spreading
throughout prisons across Anerika. It 'is ‘more
appealing to the masses, ad because of that, - the
“omnipotent'’ adninistration's insecurities are buing
put on full display.

This paper is intended to spark not only dialogue, but
action as well-even if you disagree. With George's
help ridding ourselves of ‘the complexes that deter ous
progress, and Maroon's blueprint on organizational
methods, a framework is created. A structure is put in

as it is the responsibility of our past leaders to
share their experiences and knowledge with us, it ig
our responsibility to seek their input and build on
the foundation that they laid for us.

This mament 1s not to be intellectualized. It is to be
seized!
“Liberation does not come as a gift from anybody; it
is seized by the masses with their own hands. And by
seizing it, they themselves are transfomed;
confidence in their own strength soars, and they turn
their energy and their experience to the task of

tuilding, governing, and deciding their own lives for
themselves."(14)

S. Muhanmad Hyland #FX 1537
SCI Greene

175 Progress Drive
Waynesburz, PA 15370

SOURCES

1. Blood In My Eye, George Jackson

2. Uriting As Resistance, essay '"Marionization”, by
Eddie Griffin, statevent by, Dr. Bdgar H. Schein

3. Blood In My Eye, George Jackson

4. Ibid.

5. Guerilla Warfare, proletary, no. 5. Sept. 30, 1906
V.L. Lenin

6. Blood In hy Eye, George Jackson

7. The Dragon And The Hydra: A Historical Study OF
Onganizational Methods, by Russell Maroon Shoats

8. Tbid

9. Tbid

10. Ibid

11. The New Jim Crow..., by Michelle Alexander

12. Liberation Or Gangsterism: Freedom Or Slavery, by
Russell Maroon Shoats

13. The Black Panther, vol. VII, no. 2, Sept. 4, 1971
14. Adolfo Gilly's introduction to Frantz Fanon's A
Dying Colonialism, April 1965

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